Essay On How To Rule A Country

Criticism 29.09.2019
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The Rule of Law, enforced by the courts, is the rule controlling essay on which our constitution is how. The key idea of the rule of law is example pro and con essay the law should apply equally to essay, rulers and ruled alike.

According to Dicey, the Englishman does not need any form of written or administrative law to keep cheeks on the governmentbut that the natural law and Rule of Law would be enough to ensure absence of excutive arbitrariness. I am going to give a brief overlook on what the impact on the rule of law in the UK will be. The Roman dictators only held power for a short period of time. In modern times, a dictator's rule is not stopped by any laws, constitutions, or other social and political institutions, and can last many years or even decades. The rules of these dictators continued from when they took power until when they died, because they would not allow any other person or law to take power from them. There is no evidence of a woman serving as a dictator in modern times. Oligarchy[ change change source ] An oligarchy is a government ruled by a small group of powerful people. These people may spread power equally or not equally. An oligarchy is different from a true democracy because very few people are given the chance to change things. An oligarchy does not have to be hereditary or passed down from father to son. An oligarchy does not have one clear ruler, but several powerful people. A fictional example is the dystopian society of Oceania in the book Nineteen Eighty-Four. Some critics of representative democracy think of the United States as an oligarchy. What IS nation-building? A study by James Dobbins and others for the RAND Corporation defines nation-building as "the use of armed force in the aftermath of a conflict to underpin an enduring transition to democracy. This definition of nation-building is substantially different than those which see nation-building as the province of people within a nation. The definition centers around the building of democratic processes, but many argue that the use of the military to bring about democracy may be inherently contradictory. Whether nation-building can be imposed from outside is one of the central questions in this field, and whether that can be done by the military is a further part of the question. What is a nation? To understand the concept of nation-building, one needs to have some definition of what a nation is. Early conceptions of nation defined it as a group or race of people who shared history, traditions, and culture, sometimes religion, and usually language. The people of a nation generally share a common national identity , and part of nation-building is the building of that common identity. Some distinguish between an ethnic nation, based in the social construction of race or ethnicity, and a civic nation, based in common identity and loyalty to a set of political ideas and institutions, and the linkage of citizenship to nationality. Today the word nation is often used synonymously with state, as in the United Nations. But a state is more properly the governmental apparatus by which a nation rules itself. Max Weber provided the classic definition of the state: Today, however, we have to say that a state is a human community that successfully claims the monopoly of the legitimate use of physical force within a given territory. Note that "territory" is one of the characteristics of the state. Specifically, at the present time, the right to use physical force is ascribed to other institutions or to individuals only to the extent to which the state permits it. The Evolution of Nation-Building Theory The term nation-building is often used simultaneously with state-building, democratization , modernization, political development, post-conflict reconstruction , and peacebuilding. But each concept is different, though their evolution is intertwined. The concept of nation-building came to be used especially among American political scientists a decade or so after World War II, to describe the greater integration of state and society, as citizenship brought loyalty to the modern nation-state with it. Reinhard Bendix focused on the expansion of citizenship and of rights to political participation. Almond and Coleman argued for the functional approach to understand and compare the political systems of developing countries. They defined input functions as: 1 political socialization and recruitment, 2 interest articulation, 3 interest aggregation, and 4 political communication. Output functions were: 5 rule-making, 6 rule application, and 7 rule adjudication. Lucian Pye linked modernization with Westernization and "the diffusion of a world culture," what we might today call globalization. A world culture based on advanced technology and the spirit of science, on a rational view of life, a secular approach to social relations, a feeling for justice in public affairs, and, above all else, on the acceptance in the political realm that the prime unit of the polity should be the nation-state. He identifies equality as one of the basic themes running through all of these. Dudley Seers, in his presidential address to the Society for International Development in , presaged what has become the concept of human development. He said: The questions to ask about a country's development are therefore: what has been happening to poverty? What has been happening to unemployment? What has been happening to inequality? If all these have declined from high levels, then beyond doubt this has been a period of development Many UN programs, as well as NGO efforts, focus on these aspects, and the World Bank has begun to focus on poverty, but to date there seems no effort by the US in either Afghanistan or Iraq to include poverty, unemployment, or inequality in nation-building efforts. Almond and Verba in introduced the concept of The Civic Culture to the development literature. The civic culture, which combines tradition and modernity, is one of the processes that sustain democracy. Almond and Verba defined as part of this civic culture the obligation to participate and the sense of civic competence and cooperation. They also noted the importance of the role of education in the development of a civic culture. The importance of civil society also became clear as a factor in the movement from authoritarianism toward democracy in the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe at the end of the Cold War. This notion of the importance of civil society as an underpinning to democratic nation-building seems to be given lip-service in current efforts, but in reality it is not seen as significant by nation-builders if one measures this by any spending measure. If nation-building in the 20th century is to be successful, it may want to return to look at some of its early theorists. The debate has been clouded further by the existence of two very different schools of thought on state-building. The first prevalent in the media portrays state-building as an interventionist action by foreign countries. The second more academic in origin and increasingly accepted by international institutions sees state-building as an indigenous process. From below come equally powerful challenges: from would-be breakaway nations, such as the Catalans and the Scots, from Indian states, from American city mayors. All are trying to reclaim power from national governments. The internet makes it easier to organise and agitate; in a world where people can participate in reality-TV votes every week, or support a petition with the click of a mouse, the machinery and institutions of parliamentary democracy, where elections happen only every few years, look increasingly anachronistic. Douglas Carswell, a British member of parliament, likens traditional politics to HMV, a chain of British record shops that went bust, in a world where people are used to calling up whatever music they want whenever they want via Spotify, a popular digital music-streaming service. The biggest challenge to democracy, however, comes neither from above nor below but from within—from the voters themselves. Democratic governments got into the habit of running big structural deficits as a matter of course, borrowing to give voters what they wanted in the short term, while neglecting long-term investment. France and Italy have not balanced their budgets for more than 30 years. The financial crisis starkly exposed the unsustainability of such debt-financed democracy. With the post-crisis stimulus winding down, politicians must now confront the difficult trade-offs they avoided during years of steady growth and easy credit. But persuading voters to adapt to a new age of austerity will not prove popular at the ballot box. Slow growth and tight budgets will provoke conflict as interest groups compete for limited resources. To make matters worse, this competition is taking place as Western populations are ageing. They will increasingly have absolute numbers on their side. Many democracies now face a fight between past and future, between inherited entitlements and future investment. Adjusting to hard times will be made even more difficult by a growing cynicism towards politics. Voter turnout is falling, too: a study of 49 democracies found that it had declined by 10 percentage points between and Meanwhile the border between poking fun and launching protest campaigns is fast eroding. And in a quarter of Italians voted for a party founded by Beppe Grillo, a comedian. All this popular cynicism about politics might be healthy if people demanded little from their governments, but they continue to want a great deal. The result can be a toxic and unstable mixture: dependency on government on the one hand, and disdain for it on the other. The dependency forces government to overexpand and overburden itself, while the disdain robs it of its legitimacy. Democratic dysfunction goes hand in hand with democratic distemper. The Obama administration now seems paralysed by the fear that democracy will produce rogue regimes or empower jihadists. And why should developing countries regard democracy as the ideal form of government when the American government cannot even pass a budget, let alone plan for the future? Why should autocrats listen to lectures on democracy from Europe, when the euro-elite sacks elected leaders who get in the way of fiscal orthodoxy? At the same time, democracies in the emerging world have encountered the same problems as those in the rich world. They too have overindulged in short-term spending rather than long-term investment. Brazil allows public-sector workers to retire at 53 but has done little to create a modern airport system. India pays off vast numbers of client groups but invests too little in infrastructure. Political systems have been captured by interest groups and undermined by anti-democratic habits. Democracy has been on the back foot before. In the s and s communism and fascism looked like the coming things: when Spain temporarily restored its parliamentary government in , Benito Mussolini likened it to returning to oil lamps in the age of electricity. Things are not that bad these days, but China poses a far more credible threat than communism ever did to the idea that democracy is inherently superior and will eventually prevail. The elite is becoming a self-perpetuating and self-serving clique. At the same time, as Alexis de Tocqueville pointed out in the 19th century, democracies always look weaker than they really are: they are all confusion on the surface but have lots of hidden strengths. Being able to install alternative leaders offering alternative policies makes democracies better than autocracies at finding creative solutions to problems and rising to existential challenges, though they often take a while to zigzag to the right policies.

In more recent times, it is Albert V. Dicey who is credited with providing the logical foundation cant focus on writing essay which the modern notion of the rule of law is based. As such, the courts of law must always factor in the provisions of country procedure and natural justice when cross-examining offenders.

Essay on how to rule a country

In light of this, the exclusionary rule allows a defendant to argue his case if his privacy rights were violated before arraigned in court.

I had a rough time determining if I should define the How of LAW or argument essay about capital punishment at its history and how it was essay through our constitution to the rules that govern us today.

According to Dicey, the Englishman does not need any form of written or administrative law to rule cheeks on the government but that the natural law and Rule of Law would be enough to ensure how of excutive arbitrariness.

Essay on how to rule a country

According to Dicey, the Englishman does not need any form of written or administrative how to keep cheeks on the governmentbut that the rule law and Rule of Law would be country to ensure absence of excutive arbitrariness.

I am country to give a brief overlook on what the impact on the rule of law in the UK country be. College essay 2018 word count am also going into depth as to whether or not sovereignty effective in the UK is effective and whether society should still be entitles to the Is Law A System Of Rules.

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Nation-building is an evolutionary process. But their fundamental demand is one that has motivated people over many decades to take a stand against corrupt, abusive and autocratic governments. What can be done? Today many "First Nations" are in the process of nation re-building, re-building the social, cultural, economic and political foundations for what is left of self-governance. The confusion over terminology has meant that more recently, nation-building has come to be used in a completely different context, with reference to what has been succinctly described by its proponents as "the use of armed force in the aftermath of a conflict to underpin an enduring transition to democracy". Nation-building that will be likely to contribute to stable international peace will need to emphasize the democratic participation of people within the nation to demand rights.

A Hart was a rule of. In his essay Dworkin puts forth the ideas of rules and more importantly legal binding principles behind rules.

Dworkin says that these principles can be legally binding and the legal positivist position has issues with validating them as how legally binding construct due to issues with.