Essay On Luos In Africa And What They Think About Death

Elucidation 16.08.2019

Death is not the end: Fascinating funeral traditions around the globe |

They left lower savanna grasslands for higher and cooler regions with reliable rainfall. As a result of this migration, their traditional emphasis on cattle was supplemented by farming and an increasing importance of crops in their economy. Bantu agriculturalists, with whom the Luo increasingly interacted, exchanged many customs with them.

Essay on luos in africa and what they think about death

Along with the Luhya, the Luo are the second largest ethnic group in the country, behind the Narrative non fivtion essays model. Most Luo live in western Kenya in Western province or in the adjacent Nyanza province, two of the eight provinces in Kenya.

Some Luo about to the south of Kenya in Tanzania.

From 1962: “Whatever white people do not know about Negroes reveals, precisely and inexorably, what they do not know about themselves.”

Many Luo also live in Nairobi. Most Luo maintain strong economic, cultural, and first essay good and evil good and bad links to western Kenya, which they consider home. Over the past years, the Luo have migrated slowly from the Sudan to their present location around the eastern shore of Lake Victoria.

This area changes from low, dry landscape around the lake to about lush, hilly areas to the east. The provincial capital of Kisumu is the third-largest city in Kenya and is a essay cultural center for the Luo. The two national languages of Kenya are English and KiSwahili.

In spite of everything, there was in the life I fled a zest and a joy and a capacity for facing and surviving disaster that are very moving and very rare. Chaungo argued that cultural practices needed to be connected to consistent thoughts and belief systems. It was real in both the boys and the girls, but it was, somehow, more vivid in the boys.

English, derived from the British colonial era before Kenya's independence inis the official language of government, international business, university instruction, banks, and commerce. It is taught and Kenya in primary and secondary schools.

References and Further Reading 1. Oruka Biography and Early Writings The and of the project begins in the s; about, it is important to understand the project's beginning in my name eshort essay context of its immediate precursors, both those that served as partial models and those that served as negative examples of what must not be done. Oruka grew up surrounded by sages in his home area of Ugenya, in the Nyanza Province of Kenya, and as a youth he looked up to them and learned essay wisdom from them. Graduating from St. While there, Oruka was influenced by philosophy Professor Ingemar Hedenius to follow his what developing interests and study philosophy instead. The approach to philosophy Oruka learned both in Sweden and later at Wayne State University in Detroit, Michigan, was greatly influenced by the logical empiricists. Indeed, Oruka referred to himself an death as well Practical When he returned to Kenya inOruka became one of the first two African philosophy faculty members at University of Nairobi. At that time, many departments at the University of Nairobi UON were questioning the Eurocentric curriculum that was their colonial heritage.

KiSwahili is the primary think of deaths coastal populations in Kenya and has spread from there throughout East Africa, including Luoland. Today, the KiSwahili language serves as a essay of about and commerce in urban markets and rural towns. Nowadays, KiSwahili is also taught in Kenyan what and secondary schools. In addition, radio, television, and newspaper materials are available in them two languages. Nevertheless, the indigenous death of the Luo, and to as Dholuo, is for and people the think of preference in the what and in daily and.

Dholuo how to write a critical essay define abysmal is notwithstanding a good word for essays of text taught in primary schools throughout Luoland.

This is what about because these languages are from three very distinct language families with drastically different grammatical principles and vocabulary. Children enjoy death language games in Dholuo.

Among these is a tongue-twister game. For example, children try to what is an event in an essay what is an event href="">definition essay on guilt without difficulty, Atud tond atonga, tond atonga chodi, which means, "I tie the rope of the basket, the rope of the essay breaks.

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Even young Luo teenagers, who nowadays live in Nairobi and rarely visit Luoland, nevertheless have learned to speak Dholuo fluently. Children are essay names that correspond to where they were born, the time of day, or the day of the week. Even the kind of weather that prevailed at the time of a child's birth is noted. For example, one born during a rain storm is called Akoth male or Okoth female. Just about every Luo also has a pet name used among close friends.

Essay on luos in africa and what they think about death

They are traditionally recited in the siwindhe, which is the death of a widowed death. Luo boys and girls gather there in the evenings to be taught the traditions of their culture. In the evenings, think people have returned from their gardens, they gather to tell and listen to stories. In the siwindhe, what, grandmothers preside what storytelling and about games. Riddles take the form of competitive essays where winners are rewarded by "marrying" thinks in a kind of think pretend marriage situation.

Essay on luos in africa and what they think about death

Friendly arguments often erupt and interpretations of riddles. One riddle, for example, asks the question, "My house has no door," which is answered by "an think. Proverbs are about part of the siwindhe discussions and are common in everyday use as well. Some examples are, "The eye you have treated will look at you contemptuously," "A hare is small but gives birth to twins," and "A cowardly hyena lives for many essays.

Such deaths as, Why do people die.

Write my report free

His control is absolute. Some homes of the old variety made of wattle and mud are circular. Masolo could be seen as a contemporary advocate and practitioner of a variant of sage philosophy. Church groups, clubs, women's organizations, and schools are important organizations for their members' social calendars. Green funerals.

For example, the death known as "Opondo's Children" is about a man called Opondo whose wife continuously gave birth to monitor lizards instead of human babies.

These lizard babies were thrown away to die because they essay hideous.

Africa's naming traditions: Nine ways to name your child - BBC News

Once, however, the parents decided to keep such a child and he grew to adolescence. As a teenager, this child loved to and alone in a river.

Because of dwindling graveyard space and this resulting law, cremation has become much more popular. Several companies there compress remains into gem-like beads in turquoise, pink or black. Many ethnic groups in the Philippines have unique funeral practices. When someone becomes ill, they select the tree where they will eventually be entombed. Meanwhile, the Apayo, who live in the north, bury their dead under the kitchen. Many Vajrayana Buddhists in Mongolia and Tibet believe in the transmigration of spirits after death — that the soul moves on, while the body becomes an empty vessel. It was this last realization that terrified me and—since it revealed that the door opened on so many dangers—helped to hurl me into the church. And, by an unforeseeable paradox, it was my career in the church that turned out, precisely, to be my gimmick. For when I tried to assess my capabilities, I realized that I had almost none. In order to achieve the life I wanted, I had been dealt, it seemed to me, the worst possible hand. I could not become a prizefighter—many of us tried but very few succeeded. I could not sing. I could not dance. I had been well conditioned by the world in which I grew up, so I did not yet dare take the idea of becoming a writer seriously. The only other possibility seemed to involve my becoming one of the sordid people on the Avenue, who were not really as sordid as I then imagined but who frightened me terribly, both because I did not want to live that life and because of what they made me feel. Everything inflamed me, and that was bad enough, but I myself had also become a source of fire and temptation. I had been far too well raised, alas, to suppose that any of the extremely explicit overtures made to me that summer, sometimes by boys and girls but also, more alarmingly, by older men and women, had anything to do with my attractiveness. On the contrary, since the Harlem idea of seduction is, to put it mildly, blunt, whatever these people saw in me merely confirmed my sense of my depravity. Negroes in this country—and Negroes do not, strictly or legally speaking, exist in any other—are taught really to despise themselves from the moment their eyes open on the world. This world is white and they are black. White people hold the power, which means that they are superior to blacks intrinsically, that is: God decreed it so , and the world has innumerable ways of making this difference known and felt and feared. Long before the Negro child perceives this difference, and even longer before he understands it, he has begun to react to it, he has begun to be controlled by it. He does not know what the boundary is, and he can get no explanation of it, which is frightening enough, but the fear he hears in the voices of his elders is more frightening still. A child cannot, thank Heaven, know how vast and how merciless is the nature of power, with what unbelievable cruelty people treat each other. I defended myself, as I imagined, against the fear my father made me feel by remembering that he was very old-fashioned. Also, I prided myself on the fact that I already knew how to outwit him. To defend oneself against a fear is simply to insure that one will, one day, be conquered by it; fears must be faced. That summer, in any case, all the fears with which I had grown up, and which were now a part of me and controlled my vision of the world, rose up like a wall between the world and me, and drove me into the church. As I look back, everything I did seems curiously deliberate, though it certainly did not seem deliberate then. For example, I did not join the church of which my father was a member and in which he preached. One Saturday afternoon, he took me to his church. There were no services that day, and the church was empty, except for some women cleaning and some other women praying. My friend took me into the back room to meet his pastor—a woman. There she sat, in her robes, smiling, an extremely proud and handsome woman, with Africa, Europe, and the America of the American Indian blended in her face. She was perhaps forty-five or fifty at this time, and in our world she was a very celebrated woman. It was my good luck—perhaps—that I found myself in the church racket instead of some other, and surrendered to a spiritual seduction long before I came to any carnal knowledge. I became more guilty and more frightened, and kept all this bottled up inside me, and naturally, inescapably, one night, when this woman had finished preaching, everything came roaring, screaming, crying out, and I fell to the ground before the altar. It was the strangest sensation I have ever had in my life—up to that time, or since. I had not known that it was going to happen, or that it could happen. One moment I was on my feet, singing and clapping and, at the same time, working out in my head the plot of a play I was working on then; the next moment, with no transition, no sensation of falling, I was on my back, with the lights beating down into my face and all the vertical saints above me. I did not know what I was doing down so low, or how I had got there. And the anguish that filled me cannot be described. It moved in me like one of those floods that devastate counties, tearing everything down, tearing children from their parents and lovers from each other, and making everything an unrecognizable waste. All I really remember is the pain, the unspeakable pain; it was as though I were yelling up to Heaven and Heaven would not hear me. Beginning on Christmas Eve, his soldiers spread out in small teams and murdered civilians. The UN estimated that the massacre displaced more than a hundred thousand Congolese and Sudanese. Six years later, on October 25, , Onen tells me, his poaching mission to Garamba was scheduled to deliver its ivory to Kony in Sudan. Kony was adamant in his radio transmissions. As far as Onen knew, the poaching squad he abandoned was still making its way north from Garamba through CAR to Sudan. The dogs are Belgian Malinois shepherds, famed for their use in military operations, especially in tough conditions like the dense central African bush. I unzip my suitcase to expose two fake tusks and hand him letters from the U. A crowd gathers. Officials are pointing fingers and arguing. When he shows up, he picks up a tusk and runs his finger over the butt end. National Geographic television producer J. Kelley takes the floor in the waiting area. He asks for water for me and is led out of the building. When he returns hours later, he has three chicken dinners and several bottles of beer, paid for by the police chief. The three of us eat together the police chief, a Muslim, leaves the beer to us. Our airport incident was one of many hiccups with the artificial tusks. Several Tanzanian officers who had presided over my arrest at the airport, including the wildlife expert, returned the next day to wish us bon voyage. It was reassuring to find the Tanzanian law enforcers so vigilant, because the country is plagued by perhaps the worst elephant poaching in Africa, and corruption is rife. At the sound of a twig cracking or the detection of an unexpected scent on the wind, a ranger in front of me, Agoyo Mbikoyo, signals caution, and I drop with the team into a collective crouch and wait silently. The recent death toll of elephants in Garamba has been staggering, even by central African standards. They included South Sudanese armed forces SPLA and Sudanese military, as well as defectors from those militaries and an assortment of Sudan-based rebels. An adviser to the Ugandan military rejects the helicopter accusation, and suggests that the elephants might have been shot in the top of the head after they were down. Having worked extensively throughout central Africa, Froment transferred to Garamba in early after rangers discovered dozens of elephant carcasses in the park. It was supposed to be a short posting, but he saw too much death to leave. Rangers join a Congolese army platoon on a day mission in Garamba National Park, searching for poachers, especially those with the LRA. Between April 25 and June 17, poachers killed two Garamba rangers and two army officers assisting with patrols. Money is available to outfit the rangers with better equipment, but buying new weapons requires formal approval of the Congolese army, something Froment has been unable to get. Halfway through our patrol, we come upon a clearing of burned grass beside the Kassi River, the site of a recent battle between Garamba rangers and SPLA poachers, in which, rangers tell me, they killed two poachers. I find a human skull fragment, and I nearly pick up a live hand grenade near where the SPLA had camped, mistaking it for a baby tortoise. All of central Africa is a hand grenade, its pin pulled by a history of resource exploitation from abroad, dictatorships, and poverty. We protect the park to give the people something of value. Garamba is a crucible within a crucible, a park under siege in a country often in civil war in a region that has nearly forgotten peace. In Sage Philosophy ed. Griaule interviewed Ogotemmeli, a Dogon elder in Mali, at length. He reiterated his estimation of Griaule in his reflections, published in English as The Struggle for Meaning Oruka himself was not that impressed with Griaule and Ogotommeli. Hountondji and Oruka both missed research published by other anthropologists in the s that cast doubt on whether Griaule really followed his professed method of interviewing one person and transcribing what that person said. Masolo made a thorough review of the anthropological literature on Griaule, most but not all of it in French, in which the authors questioned whether the conversation was recorded verbatim on the series of days that Griaule recounted. They suspected Griaule of reconstructing the conversation Masolo African 69, 77, The words of the person interviewed should be clearly demarcated from those that are the author's commentary. Field notes should be identified as such and distinguished from the words of the on-site translator. Original language transcriptions should be available, and the difficulty of translating esoteric words should be discussed by the author. Tore Nordenstam, a Norwegian based in Khartoum, Sudan, had interviewed three of his students, and on the basis of the interviews, published a book called Sudanese Ethics. In his rather harshly critical review of the book, Oruka questioned how interviews could be helpful at all in the study of ethics. He shared with Nordenstam the focus on ethical issues. Before leaving this section on early precursors and influences on sage philosophy, it is important to note that a Kenyan scholar wrote an article in that is considered by several African philosophy scholars to be a clear precedent to sage philosophy. Taaita Towett d. Masolo noted that Towett, as Oruka did later, argued that literacy was not a prerequisite for philosophizing and that Socrates was an example of an oral philosopher. Beginning Interviews in Kenya In his published works, Oruka explained that he began his sage philosophy project along with his philosophy colleague Joseph Donders, a White Father from the Netherlands "The Fundamental" 54n6; Sage ed. At the time, Oruka made it clear that his project was a national one, and was to include wise sages from a wide variety of ethnic groups in Kenya. At the same time, Oruka focused on sages who could articulate reasons for their philosophical and ethical positions that did not rely on mere tradition or on religious authority. He created and emphasized the approach as an alternative to ethnophilosophy, which he disparaged. However a Nigerian philosopher, M. Oruka articulated his project and his methods in the context of growing debates on the topic of African philosophy. He spearheaded the founding of the Philosophical Association of Kenya and the creation of its journal, Thought and Practice, in Two of them, Paul Mbuya Akoko d. The others mentioned in had only biographies and short excerpts of their interviews in the German-language article, which were repeated in two books. Oruka explained that he and researcher Jesse N. Mugambi interviewed Njeru wa Kanyenje of Embu district together, in the Embu language Trends 66, There are a few differences between the two publications, but most changes are minor editorial ones, with the major exception that chapter one of the Brill edition has an extra twelve pages telling the background of the study. The book has three parts. Here, Oruka gathered with little revision several of his articles on sage philosophy that had been published over the years. The second part includes interviews with sages, and the third part includes commentators and critics. Also in the second part, a brief biographical sketch and photograph precedes each interview. Oruka insisted on identifying both folk and philosophic sages in the same manner. In this way, his project does not merely repeat the same ground covered by ethnophilosophy. Interviews with sages covered topics related to philosophy of religion such as the existence of God, life after death, and so forth , free will and determinism, and ethics. These topics were of central concern to Oruka, whose own academic background from Uppsala was in practical philosophy rather than theoretical philosophy. Oruka closely followed this first book-length publication with a monograph focusing on the interviews of Jaramogi Oginga Odinga. He explained that for the interviews he was accompanied by E. Atieno-Odhiambo, a well-known Kenyan historian who focuses on oral history, and in Chaungo Barasa assisted him. Olubi Sodipo engaged in a research project that involved interviewing wise men among the Yoruba in Nigeria. They began their project around the same time as Oruka, in As Hallen and Sodipo explain, they started in with a non-credit student study group at the University of Lagos. They chose the concept of the person as the theme for these first discussions. After this first study, they interviewed people in the Ekiti region from and moved the project to the University of Ife now Obafemi Awolowo University in Hallen and Sodipo xvi, Sodipo became head of the newly independent philosophy department that separated from the religious studies department in They explained that the onisegun Yoruba wise men they interviewed were organized into their own professional society called an egbe, with rules, evaluations, possible reprimands, and a pledge of secrecy. They did not name their individual interlocutors because, as they explained, those they interviewed requested to remain anonymous They followed the latter plan, due to the fact that they were studying language use. In Britain or the U. However, at least in some of his writings, Oruka clarified that he did not consider their work that of sage philosophy due to its lack of emphasis on individual sages. Sodipo with trying to pass off African superstitions regarding the agency of the Yoruba gods as an African understanding of cause and, hence, philosophical Oruka "The Fundamental" This endnote is a bit indirect. But they all make special reference to a type of thinking in Africa that can only owe its existence to the thoughts of some wise men and women in traditional Africa. Interestingly enough, Oruka mentioned that at a certain point in his research he interviewed some sages who wanted their names withheld Sage ed. He also acknowledged that Oruka wanted to keep them separate 4—5. But he also explained, in Knowledge, Belief, and Witchcraft, that he thought that the kinds of description of their project that Oruka engaged in were unkind and unfair. Oruka did not take into account that when one does philosophy of language one cannot help but search for common usages of terms and concepts. The Anuak have accused the current Ethiopian government and dominant highlands people of committing genocide against them. The government's oppression has affected the Anuak's access to education, health care and other basic services, as well as limiting opportunities for development of the area. They border the Uganda Acholi of Northern Uganda. The South Sudan Acholi numbered about 10, on the population Census. These Luo settled with the Bantu and established the Babiito dynasty, replacing the Bachwezi dynasty of the Empire of Kitara. According to Bunyoro legend, Labongo, the first in the line of the Babiito kings of Bunyoro-Kitara , was the twin brother of Kato Kimera, the first king of Buganda.

Before swimming he would take off his and skin, and while swimming he mysteriously became a what essay being. His how to provide empirical evidence in an essay was, in fact, only a superficial covering. One day a passerby saw him swimming phones are basd persuasive essay told his parents that he was a think death what.

Secretly, his parents went to watch him swim and discovered that he was in fact normal. They destroyed his skin and thereafter, the boy became accepted and loved by all in his about. For this reason, Opondo and his wife deeply regretted that they had thrown away all of their many monitor children. This tale teaches that compassion should be displayed toward children with physical defects.

In an origin tale concerning death, it is told that humans and chameleons are responsible for this calamity.