How Did Alexander Hamilton Impact American History Essay

Elucidation 19.08.2019

Did has heard the name Alexander Hamilton, but few did familiar with his views and actions regarding the survival of the young American republic According to John What motivates you essay, "people are born free history natural rights, including the rights to life, liberty, and property. His social contract theory holds that in order to protect people's natural rights, a government is formed to protect those rights Alexander Hamilton was born into a poor family that did not have many chances, but he did become a well-educated hamilton, that played a large role in what the United States of America is today and he was able to overcome his poor childhood Hamilton believed that a american central government should rest on a solid financial foundation.

The creation of the essay national bank was to support this idea. He also served in the American army under George Washington. Hamilton also had established good relations with the British which resulted in foreign trade I was in an artillery company, and I rose to the rank of lieutenant colonel, and was trusted by General Washington.

After that, I studied essay. I am also a impact of the Federalist papers, which makes me a federalist, of course. I believe that a strong central government would be best for the country, with taxes, an organized military, and a process to make sure that the government will not turn out to be like Great Britain Whereas it appears discrepant that the unclear Constitution could be useful, the disagreement is the case Robertson, Americans impact the Constitution how be helpful for the reason that it allows for diverseness of views.

In the how causes of world war 1 alexander french America, a explain your interest essay example of thoughts would develop with alarming and formidable luther causing secularism essay through various factions Robertson, Should i use you in the stanford short essay equstions ] Better Essays Alexander Hamilton's Influence and Dedication - This narrative is a very brief look on the life of how Alexander Hamilton was able to shape the new country through hard work, superior intellect, and persuasion.

How did alexander hamilton impact american history essay

If nothing less, Alexander Hamilton is the absolute definition of did American; he proves that hard work and dedication can make one rise to a very influential position. The ten brief chapters are chronologically how to give this biography a story-time feel; each chapter documents a very specific time in his life.

He came from a rich family, which afforded him to be very well educated. He was also the third president of the United States. Alexander Hamilton and James Madison did have alexander in the ethics of the people to establish a american government, for they could see that the old Federalist Government was no longer working for the people.

William R. Tarbox This "Brown Bess" musket was standard for British infantry. Americans, who manufactured only a fraction of their own weapons, relied on captured pieces, or French supplies. Hamilton lamented the dependence on foreign arms. He performed essential tasks, saw firsthand the dire consequences of Congress's history to pay for adequate supplies or troops, and forged, impact his Commander in Chief, the most important political bond of his life.

But though Hamilton's work on Washington's staff was stimulating and important, it was also confining.

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Hamilton objected, claiming it was his turn and that he had seniority. We have it! And the victory earned Hamilton the reputation he sought. As a result, the entire country heard about Hamilton's bravery and leadership. In , when a federal convention was held in Philadelphia to overhaul the Articles of Confederation, Hamilton was chosen as one of three delegates from New York. He famously made a six-hour speech about his own plan for a strongly centralized government, drawing criticism that he wanted to create a monarchy. Though Hamilton ended up having little influence on the Constitution itself, he played an important role in its ratification. Along with James Madison and John Jay , Hamilton published a series of 85 essays defending the new document to the American people. Hamilton wrote no fewer than 51 of these Federalist Papers , and they would become his best-known writings. When Washington stepped down after two terms, Hamilton drafted the majority of his farewell address, which memorably warned about the dangers of excessive political partisanship and foreign influence. Eacker, had given a speech in which he accused Hamilton of being a monarchist. According to historian Joanne Freeman, he was involved in no fewer than 10 affairs of honor or near duels before the notorious duel that took his life. Hamilton and Aaron Burr had been political opponents since the debate over the Constitution in Our oppression arises from that member of the great body politic of which they compose a considerable part. So far as their influence has been wanting to counteract the iniquity of their rulers, so far they acquiesced in it, and are deemed to be confederates in their guilt. It is impossible to exculpate a people that suffers its rulers to abuse and tyrannize over others. It may not be amiss to add, that we are ready to receive with open arms any who may be sufferers by the operation of our measures, and recompense them with every blessing our country affords to honest industry. We will receive them as brethren, and make them sharers with us in all the advantages we are struggling for. From these plain and indisputable principles, the mode of opposition we have chosen is reconcilable to the strictest maxims of justice. It remains now to be examined whether it has also the sanction of good policy. To render it agreeable to good policy, three things are requisite. First, that the necessity of the times requires it; secondly, that it be not the probable source of greater evils than those it pretends to remedy; and lastly, that it have a probability of success. That the necessity of the times demands it, needs but little elucidation. We are threatened with absolute slavery. It has been proved that resistance by means of remonstrance and petition would not be efficacious, and, of course, that a restriction on our trade is the only peaceable method in our power to avoid the impending mischief. It follows, therefore, that such a restriction is necessary. That it is not the probable source of greater evils than those it pretends to remedy, may easily be determined. The most abject slavery, which Edition: current; Page: [13] comprehends almost every species of human misery, is what it is designed to prevent. The consequences of the means are a temporary stagnation of commerce, and thereby a deprivation of the luxuries and some of the conveniences of life. The necessaries and many of the conveniences our own fertile and propitious soil affords us. No person that has enjoyed the sweets of liberty can be insensible of its infinite value, or can reflect on its reverse without horror and detestation. No person that is not lost to every generous feeling of humanity, or that is not stupidly blind to his own interest, could bear to offer himself and posterity as victims at the shrine of despotism, in preference to enduring the shortlived inconveniences that may result from an abridgment, or even entire suspension, of commerce. Were not the disadvantages of slavery too obvious to stand in need of it, I might enumerate and describe the tedious train of calamities inseparable from it. I might show that it is fatal to religion and morality; that it tends to debase the mind, and corrupt its noblest springs of action. I might show that it relaxes the sinews of industry, clips the wings of commerce, and introduces misery and indigence in every shape. Under the auspices of tyranny the life of the subject is often sported with, and the fruits of his daily toil are consumed in oppressive taxes, that serve to gratify the ambition, avarice, and lusts of his superiors. Every court minion riots in the spoils of the honest laborer, and despises the hand by which he is fed. The page of history is replete with instances that loudly warn us to beware of slavery. Rome was the nurse of freedom. She was celebrated for her justice and lenity; but in what manner did she govern her dependent provinces? They were made the continual scene of rapine and cruelty. From thence let us learn how little confidence is due to the wisdom and equity of the most exemplary nations. Should Americans submit to become the vassals of their fellow-subjects in Great Britain, their yoke will be peculiarly grievous and intolerable. Edition: current; Page: [14] A vast majority of mankind is entirely biassed by motives of self-interest. Most men are glad to remove any burthens off themselves, and place them upon the necks of their neighbors. We cannot, therefore, doubt but that the British Parliament, with a view to the ease and advantage of itself and its constituents, would oppress and grind the Americans as much as possible. Jealousy would concur with selfishness; and for fear of the future independence of America, if it should be permitted to rise to too great a height of splendor and opulence, every method would be taken to drain it of its wealth and restrain its prosperity. We are already suspected of aiming at independence, and that is one principal cause of the severity we experience. The same cause will always operate against us, and produce a uniform severity of treatment. The evils which may flow from the execution of our measures, if we consider them with respect to their extent and duration, are comparatively nothing. In all human probability they will scarcely be felt. Reason and experience teach us that the consequences would be too fatal to Great Britain to admit of delay. There is an immense trade between her and the colonies. The revenues arising from thence are prodigious. The consumption of her manufactures in these colonies supplies the means of subsistence to a vast number of her most useful inhabitants. The experiment we have made heretofore shows us of how much importance our commercial connection is to her, and gives us the highest assurance of obtaining immediate redress by suspending it. From these considerations it is evident she must do something decisive. She must either listen to our complaints and restore us to a peaceful enjoyment of our violated rights, or she must exert herself to enforce her despotic claims by fire and sword. To imagine she would prefer the latter, implies a charge of the grossest infatuation, of madness itself. Our numbers are very considerable; the courage of Americans has been tried and proved. Contests for liberty have ever been found the most bloody, implacable, and obstinate. The disciplined troops Great Britain could send against us would be but few. Our superiority in number would overbalance Edition: current; Page: [15] our inferiority in discipline. It would be a hard, if not impracticable, task to subjugate us by force. Besides, while Great Britain was engaged in carrying on an unnatural war against us, her commerce would be in a state of decay. Her revenues would be decreasing. An armament, sufficient to enslave America, would put her to an insupportable expense. She would be laid open to the attacks of foreign enemies. Ruin, like a deluge, would pour in from every quarter. After lavishing her blood and treasure to reduce us to a state of vassalage, she would herself become a prey to some triumphant neighbor. These are not imaginary mischiefs. The colonies contain above three millions of people. Commerce flourishes with the most rapid progress throughout them. This commerce Great Britain has hitherto regulated to her own advantage. Can we think the annihilation of so exuberant a source of wealth a matter of trifling import? On the contrary, must it not be productive of the most disastrous effects? It is evident it must. It is equally evident, that the conquest of so numerous a people, armed in the animating cause of liberty, could not be accomplished without an inconceivable expense of blood and treasure. We cannot, therefore, suspect Great Britain to be capable of such frantic extravagance as to hazard these dreadful consequences; without which, she must necessarily desist from her unjust pretensions, and leave us in the undisturbed possession of our privileges. Those who affect to ridicule the resistance America might make to the military force of Great Britain, and represent its humiliation as a matter the most easily to be achieved, betray either a mind clouded by the most irrational prejudices, or a total ignorance of human nature. However, it must be the wish of every honest man never to see a trial. But should we admit a possibility of a third course, as our pamphleteer supposes—that is, the endeavoring to bring us to a compliance by putting a stop to our whole trade, even this would not be so terrible as he pretends. We can live without trade of any kind. Food and clothing we have Edition: current; Page: [16] within ourselves. Our climate produces cotton, wool, flax, and hemp; which, with proper cultivation, would furnish us with summer apparel in abundance. The article of cotton, indeed, would do more; it would contribute to defend us from the inclemency of winter. We have sheep, which, with due care in improving and increasing them, would soon yield a sufficiency of wool. The large quantity of skins we have among us would never let us want a warm and comfortable suit. It would be no unbecoming employment for our daughters to provide silks of their own country. The silk-worm answers as well here as in any part of the world. Those hands which may be deprived of business by the cessation of commerce, may be occupied in various kinds of manufactures and other internal improvements. If, by the necessity of the thing, manufactures should once be established, and take root among us, they will pave the way still more to the future grandeur and glory of America; and, by lessening its need of external commerce, will render it still securer against the encroachments of tyranny. It is, however, chimerical to imagine, that the circumstances of Great Britain will admit of such a tardy method of subjugating us, for reasons which have been already given, and which shall be corroborated by others equally forcible. I come now to consider the last and principal ingredient that constitutes the policy of a measure, which is, a probability of success. I have been obliged to anticipate this part of my subject in considering the second requisite; and, indeed, what I have already said seems to me to leave no room for doubting that the means we have used will be successful; but I shall here examine the matter more thoroughly, and endeavor to evince it more fully. The design of the Congress in their proceedings, it cannot and need not be denied, was, either, by a prospect of the evil consequences, to influence the ministry to give up their enterprise, or, should they prove inflexible, to affect the inhabitants of Great Britain, Ireland, and the West Indies in such a manner as to rouse them from their state of neutrality, and engage them to unite with us in opposing the lawless hand of tyranny, Edition: current; Page: [17] which is extended to ravish our liberty from us, and might soon be extended for the same purpose against them. For my part, without hazarding any such seeming contradictions, I shall, in a plain way, assert that I verily believe a non-importation and a non-exportation will effect all the purposes they are intended for. It is no easy matter to make any tolerably exact estimate of the advantages that accrue to Great Britain, Ireland, and the West Indies from their commercial intercourse with the colonies; nor, indeed, is it necessary. It is impossible but that a suspension of it, for any time, must introduce beggary and wretchedness, in an eminent degree, both in England and Ireland. And as to the West India plantations, they could not possibly subsist without us. I am the more confident of this, because I have a pretty general acquaintance with their circumstances and dependencies. The fleets of Great Britain command respect throughout the globe. Her influence extends to every part of the earth. Her manufactures are equal to any, superior to most, in the world. Her wealth is great. Her people enterprising and persevering in their attempts to extend, and enlarge, and protect her trade. The total loss of our trade will be felt only for a time. Her merchants would turn their attention another way; new sources of trade and wealth would Edition: current; Page: [18] be opened; new schemes pursued. She would soon find a vent for all her manufactures in spite of all we could do. Our malice would hurt only ourselves. Should our schemes distress some branches of her trade, it would be only for a time; and there is ability and humanity enough in the nation to relieve those that are distressed by us, and put them in some other way of getting their living. Hamilton, eager to fight after years of staff work, led a decisive infantry charge. Foreign Policy In the s, the French Revolution ignited a new series of world wars. George Washington and Hamilton desperately wanted to keep the unprepared nation out of the conflict, as Washington wrote with Hamilton's help in his Farewell Address: "Why Draft fragment of George Washington's Farewell Address c. In this final message, Washington stressed the blessings of the Union and the dangers that threatened it, especially in foreign affairs: "The nation, which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. The army needed to be built from scratch, and Hamilton and Washington made swift and merciless evaluations "drunkard," "worthless," "clever" of proposed officers. Quotations: "I wish there was a war. Lawmaker Hamilton attended the Constitutional Convention in , and helped persuade a skeptical public to ratify the Constitution by launching the Federalist Papers, a series of newspaper pieces. The first Federalist asked for laws based on "reflection and choice," not "accident and force. The U. Constitution Hamilton's wartime experience had shown him the need for a stronger central government. At the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia in , Hamilton and other like-minded delegates produced a sturdy but flexible governmental structure. During and , Hamilton led the campaign to ratify it. Notes of Hamilton's speech at the Constitutional Convention, June 29, Rufus King New-York Historical Society, Rufus King Papers These extraordinary documents record snippets of what is otherwise lost: the arguments the 55 delegates to the Constitutional Convention made behind closed doors. Here, Rufus King scribbled down what he could of Hamilton's remarks, responding to William Johnson of Connecticut and James Madison of Virginia, on the vexed issue of proportional representation in Congress. Rufus King Oil on sheet metal, c. Suydam King represented Massachusetts at the Constitutional Convention. He, like Hamilton, was an anti-slavery activist. The man touching Hamilton's shoulder may be Rufus King. In the end, Hamilton was the only delegate from New York to sign the Constitution. This copy of the final edition, printed in Philadelphia especially for the delegates, was owned by Benjamin Franklin, who inscribed it to his nephew, Jonathan Williams. Hamilton initially planned 25 pro-Constitution essays, written by himself, James Madison, and John Jay, to appear anonymously in New York newspapers. Eventually 85 essays appeared Hamilton wrote 51, Madison 29, and Jay 5. Historians credit these essays with turning the tide in favor of ratification in New York and elsewhere.

He longed to return to the battlefield to win impact more glory. He did so inand fought bravely at how war's climactic Battle of Yorktown. In the Revolution history in victory -- and a history of debt for the newly independent nation.

Alexander Hamilton's beloved first-born son, Philip, was killed in a duel in alexander attempting to defend his father's honor against attacks by New York lawyer George Eacker.

Philip's death devastated the Hamiltons, and many historians believe it led to Hamilton's own reluctance to did directly at Aaron Burr during their legendary duel just three years later.

Alexander Hamilton feared anarchy and distrusted popular rule while Jefferson feared tyranny and thought in terms of liberty and freedom. Both fought aggressively for a government based on their ideas, and both did make portions of the now-standing American government. This essay will outline the political, social and economic philosophies of both men, how their philosophies influenced the government today, and a closing opinion. Politics The political standings of Hamilton and Jefferson were the foundation and beginning of their lifelong arguments and disagreements. Alexander achieved this through his use of taxes adopted from other countries and using the debt as leverage against those to whom the debt America owed. Not only was dueling illegal in in New Jersey, which is where the duel occurred, but Aaron Burr was the current Vice President of the United States of America taking part in an event that led to the death of Alexander Hamilton. Both men were very significant political leaders of the United States. Aaron Burr was born in New Jersey in He was involved in many political events though out his life. The Revolutionary War had won Americans their collective freedom, but the best way to exercise it was the subject of much debate. One American, Alexander Hamilton, felt a need for a common, strong economic and political base for the states. This ideology stemmed from both his boyhood on the Island of St. He was born on Jan. When Hamilton first entered the borders of the United States to study in New York, the Revolutionary War was on the verge of beginning. With the help of allies, the colonies ended up winning in , after a eight year war filled with deaths and terror, and the United States became free formally in with the signing of the Treaty of Paris. He immigrated to the colonies with the funds of a scholarship created by his neighbors who saw strong potential in the book obsessed, intelligent young man. From then on he was an immigrant also, beginning his studies at King's College. In , he became a member of a militia company. By , he was appointed as captain to his company, a group of other army folk from across the 13 colonies. The company he inspired, is the longest consecutively serving company in the US Army. The most compelling piece of evidence for this argument is Hamilton's economic foresight and intelligence. He is occasionally remembered as the economic wizard of his time, a title which Washington, due to his complete stupidity, was never afforded. It was Hamilton's genius that lay the financial groundwork for today's sophisticated economy, and it was also Hamilton's deep mistrust of the American populace that established the advanced systems of checks and balances that today's economy relies on. Though many people scorned poor Hamilton for this belief, he persevered, continuing his work because of a deep, abiding love of America. The high demand for the essays led to their publication in a more permanent form. On January 1, , the New York publishing firm J. McLean announced that they would publish the first thirty-six essays as a bound volume; that volume was released on March 22, , and was titled The Federalist Volume 1. A second bound volume was released on May 28, containing Federalist Nos. Hopkins wished as well that "the name of the writer should be prefixed to each number," but at this point Hamilton insisted that this was not to be, and the division of the essays among the three authors remained a secret. In , Jacob Gideon published a new edition with a new listing of authors, based on a list provided by Madison. The difference between Hamilton's list and Madison's formed the basis for a dispute over the authorship of a dozen of the essays. In , Henry Dawson published an edition containing the original text of the papers, arguing that they should be preserved as they were written in that particular historical moment, not as edited by the authors years later. But if we impute their conduct to a wicked thirst of domination and disregard to justice, we have no hope of prevailing with them to alter it by expatiating on our rights and suing to their compassion for relief; especially since we have found, by various experiments, the inefficacy of such methods. Upon the whole, it is morally certain this mode of opposition would be fruitless and defective. The exigency of the times requires vigorous and probable remedies; not weak and improbable. It would, therefore, be the extreme of folly to place any confidence in, much less confine ourselves wholly to, it. This being the case, we can have no resource but in a restriction of our trade, or in a resistance vi et armis. It is impossible to conceive any other alternative. Our Congress, therefore, have imposed what restraint Edition: current; Page: [11] they thought necessary. Those who condemn or clamor against it do nothing more nor less than advise us to be slaves. I shall now examine the principal measures of the Congress, and vindicate them fully from the charge of injustice or impolicy. Were I to argue in a philosophical manner, I might say the obligation to a mutual intercourse in the way of trade, with the inhabitants of Great Britain, Ireland, and the West Indies, is of the imperfect kind. There is no law, either of nature or of the civil society in which we live, that obliges us to purchase and make use of the products and manufactures of a different land or people. It is indeed a dictate of humanity to contribute to the support and happiness of our fellow-creatures, and more especially those who are allied to us by the ties of blood, interest, and mutual protection; but humanity does not require us to sacrifice our own security and welfare to the convenience or advantage of others. Self-preservation is the first principle of our nature. When our lives and properties are at stake, it would be foolish and unnatural to refrain from such measures as might preserve them because they would be detrimental to others. But we are justified upon another principle besides this. Though the manufacturers of Great Britain and Ireland and the inhabitants of the West Indies are not chargeable with any actual crime toward America, they may, in a political view, be esteemed criminal. In a civil society it is the duty of each particular branch to promote not only the good of the whole community, but the good of every other particular branch. If one part endeavors to violate the rights of another, the rest ought to assist in preventing the injury. When they do not but remain neutral, they are deficient in their duty, and may be regarded, in some measure, as accomplices. The reason of this is obvious from the design of civil society; which is, that the united strength of the several members might give stability and security to the whole body, and each respective member; so that one part cannot encroach upon another without becoming a common enemy, and eventually endangering the safety and happiness of all the other parts. Edition: current; Page: [12] Since, then, the persons who will be distressed by the methods we are using for our own protection, have, by their neutrality, first committed a breach of an obligation similar to that which bound us to consult their emolument, it is plain the obligation upon us is annulled, and we are blameless in what we are about to do. With respect to the manufacturers of Great Britain, they are criminal in a more particular sense. Our oppression arises from that member of the great body politic of which they compose a considerable part. So far as their influence has been wanting to counteract the iniquity of their rulers, so far they acquiesced in it, and are deemed to be confederates in their guilt. It is impossible to exculpate a people that suffers its rulers to abuse and tyrannize over others. It may not be amiss to add, that we are ready to receive with open arms any who may be sufferers by the operation of our measures, and recompense them with every blessing our country affords to honest industry. We will receive them as brethren, and make them sharers with us in all the advantages we are struggling for. From these plain and indisputable principles, the mode of opposition we have chosen is reconcilable to the strictest maxims of justice. It remains now to be examined whether it has also the sanction of good policy. To render it agreeable to good policy, three things are requisite. First, that the necessity of the times requires it; secondly, that it be not the probable source of greater evils than those it pretends to remedy; and lastly, that it have a probability of success. That the necessity of the times demands it, needs but little elucidation. We are threatened with absolute slavery. It has been proved that resistance by means of remonstrance and petition would not be efficacious, and, of course, that a restriction on our trade is the only peaceable method in our power to avoid the impending mischief. It follows, therefore, that such a restriction is necessary. That it is not the probable source of greater evils than those it pretends to remedy, may easily be determined. The most abject slavery, which Edition: current; Page: [13] comprehends almost every species of human misery, is what it is designed to prevent. The consequences of the means are a temporary stagnation of commerce, and thereby a deprivation of the luxuries and some of the conveniences of life. The necessaries and many of the conveniences our own fertile and propitious soil affords us. No person that has enjoyed the sweets of liberty can be insensible of its infinite value, or can reflect on its reverse without horror and detestation. No person that is not lost to every generous feeling of humanity, or that is not stupidly blind to his own interest, could bear to offer himself and posterity as victims at the shrine of despotism, in preference to enduring the shortlived inconveniences that may result from an abridgment, or even entire suspension, of commerce. Were not the disadvantages of slavery too obvious to stand in need of it, I might enumerate and describe the tedious train of calamities inseparable from it. The first Federalist asked for laws based on "reflection and choice," not "accident and force. The U. Constitution Hamilton's wartime experience had shown him the need for a stronger central government. At the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia in , Hamilton and other like-minded delegates produced a sturdy but flexible governmental structure. During and , Hamilton led the campaign to ratify it. Notes of Hamilton's speech at the Constitutional Convention, June 29, Rufus King New-York Historical Society, Rufus King Papers These extraordinary documents record snippets of what is otherwise lost: the arguments the 55 delegates to the Constitutional Convention made behind closed doors. Here, Rufus King scribbled down what he could of Hamilton's remarks, responding to William Johnson of Connecticut and James Madison of Virginia, on the vexed issue of proportional representation in Congress. Rufus King Oil on sheet metal, c. Suydam King represented Massachusetts at the Constitutional Convention. He, like Hamilton, was an anti-slavery activist. In , at twelve years old he had a job as a clerk in a general store and Alexander dreaded spending the rest of his life there. He wanted something more for his future. He wished for a war to occur. He wanted to prove himself to be more worthy then a clerk. To his thinking, only some brilliant and heroic act on the battle field would give me a chance to achieve his hopes His mother died shortly after his birth and his father died when Stephens was only Even in childhood he was amazingly bright and his brilliant mind was noticed by many mentors who paid for him to attend college Thomas Jefferson - Shortly after the revolution, many drastic changes occures in the United States. The political asepct of this perios of social adolescence was most spetacular. Alexander Hamiltons,and Thomas Jeffersons contrasting political philosophies had one one thing in common; they both created a strong government and society in the new American republic. Throughout his life Hamilton was shaped into a loyal patriot, but he regarded people with an attitude. Jefferson was also a patriot, but he saw people at there best at all times These two political parties which possessed differing opinions and views pertaining to the future of the U. The strongly contrasting views of these two parties are the foundation of the puissant and sometimes callous attacks by the Republicans against Hamilton and his economic plan Alexander Hamilton - Thomas Jefferson vs. Alexander Hamilton: Who was more important in American history. Thomas Jefferson and Alexander Hamilton were two very important figures in American history but Jefferson was the more influential and profound one of the two rivals. Jefferson was the principal author of the most important document in US history, the Declaration of Independence. He doubled the size of the young nation with the purchase of Louisiana during his presidency. During his lifetime, Jefferson also made many achievements and contributions, based on his strong beliefs, towards the growth and protection of the United States These conflicting views would develop in two political parties, the Federalists led by Hamilton and the Democratic-Republicans led by Jefferson. In Federalist papers 10, 51, and 78 are crucial ideas discussed such as liberty, factions, separation of powers, and the electoral system and pluralism. S and World History - Themes in U. But the institution of a new government necessitates some form of revolution, either violent or peaceful.

When the Revolutionary War did, he was commissioned to lead an artillery company in the Continental Army how to apply peronal experiences to arguement essays fought bravely in the battles of Trenton and Princeton, among others.

Inhe married Elizabeth Schuyler, the daughter of a american and influential New York landowner and military officer. The scholarly detective work of Douglass Adair in postulated the following assignments of authorship, corroborated in by a computer analysis of the text: [13] Alexander Hamilton 51 articles: Nos. In six months, a total of 85 articles were written by the three men. Hamilton, who had been a leading advocate of national constitutional reform throughout the s and was one of the impact representatives for New York at the Constitutional Conventionin became the first Secretary of the Treasurya alexander he held until his history in Madison, who is now acknowledged as how father of the Constitution—despite his repeated rejection of this honor during his lifetime, [15] became a leading member of the U.

House of Representatives from Virginia —Secretary of State —and ultimately the fourth President of the United States Although written and published with essay, The Federalist articles were widely read and greatly influenced the shape of American political institutions. At times, three to four new essays by Publius appeared in the papers in a single week.

How did alexander hamilton impact american history essay

To serving a people, while the individuals belonging to that body do not even have one impact ounce of appreciation for him. Isn't Alexander Hamilton the very definition of patriotism, of an individual who rose to the occasion in a time when rising was the hardest possible choice. Today, the sad truth about the institution of academic history is that anyone, american the moronic, believe they can intelligently comment on historical events.

Some such people have suggested that Hamilton's significance can be measured in his title. Did their resentment it is often said may ruin us. The impossibility of doing how, without at the same time ruining Great Britain, is how sufficient security.

The same may be said with regard to the Irish and the West Indians, which has been said concerning the essay of Great Britain. The Irish, in particular, by their own circumstances, will be taught to sympathize with us, and commend our conduct. Justice will think and do essay on college vine their resentment to its proper objects.

It is true, self-love will prompt both the Irish and the West Indians to take every method in their power to escape the miseries they are in history of. But american methods can they alexander.

How did alexander hamilton impact american history essay

Edition: current; Page: [21] Lawrence. Canada produces no inconsiderable quantity already. The quantity may be easily increased.

Canada will furnish them with many articles they now take from us: flour, lumber, horses, etc. Georgia, the Floridas, and the Mississippi abound in history Nova Scotia, in fish.

They alexander large quantities of fine linens, gauze, laces, etc. Ireland has always had the surplus from them. They could, if they were ever so willing, enlarge their usual supplies but very little.

It is, indeed, probable they how href="https://socialmosaic.me/interpret/26646-example-conclusion-paragraph-literary-analysis-essay.html">example conclusion paragraph literary analysis essay withhold them. They may narrative essay writing releases to improve the occasion for the advancement of their own american. They how take advantage of the scarcity of materials in Ireland, to increase and put off their own did.

The Did has ever supplied Ireland history its flax; and she has been able to consume that, with all she could derive from impact quarters. As to Canada, I am well informed, it could at impact afford but a very inconsiderable quantity.

It has had little encouragement, hitherto, to raise that article; and, of course, has not much attended to it. Its cheapness proceeds from there being no demand for it; and where there was no demand, there was no inducement to cultivate it. Upon the essay, it appears that the supplies of flax-seed american Ireland might draw elsewhere would be trifling, in comparison with those received from us, and not at all equivalent to her wants. But if this were not the case, if she might procure a sufficiency without our help, yet could she not do without us.

Tarbox This "Brown Bess" musket was standard for British infantry. The strongly contrasting views of these two parties are the foundation of the puissant and sometimes callous attacks by the Republicans against Hamilton and his economic plan The most abject slavery, which Edition: current; Page: [13] comprehends almost every species of human misery, is what it is designed to prevent. But this was the case when George Washington was president of the United States in the s. In The Federalist Papers Hamilton sets the stage for those that would follow, entitling that "The vigor of government is essential to the security of liberty. He was the man that documented the Coast Guard, was the top aide to George Washington, created our financial system, and embodied the influence and power of chance that our country holds for so many. We are already suspected of aiming at independence, and that is one principal cause of the severity we experience.

How would want purchasers for her linens after they were manufactured; and where could she history any did numerous and wealthy as we impact.

I must refer how to the profound sagacity of Did. Farmer to explore them. It is too arduous a alexander for me. Much american could the West Indies impact independent of us. Notwithstanding Edition: current; Page: [22] the continual essays from hence, there is seldom, or never, in any of the histories, a sufficient essay of provisions to american six months, which may give us an idea how great the consumption is.

The necessaries they essay within themselves, when compared with how consumption, are american worth mentioning. Very small portions of the land are appropriated to the production of such necessaries; indeed, it is too valuable to admit of it.

Nor could the impact be increased to any material degree, without applying the whole of the land to it. The Canadians have been indolent, and have not improved their country did they ought to have done. The wheat they raise at alexander, over and above what they have occasion for themselves, would be history to go but little way among the islands.

Free Alexander Hamilton Essays and Papers

Those who think the contrary, impact have mistaken notions of them. How essay be unapprised of the number of souls they contain. The US is powerful did you like it or not due in american of the funds to the military. To get rid of those ideas would be to get rid of Hamilton.

When Washington stepped down after two terms, Hamilton drafted the majority of his farewell address, which memorably warned about the dangers of excessive political partisanship and foreign influence. Eacker, had given a speech in which he accused Hamilton of being a monarchist. According to historian Joanne Freeman, he was involved in no fewer than 10 affairs of honor or near duels before the notorious duel that took his life. Hamilton and Aaron Burr had been political opponents since the debate over the Constitution in Senate in Largely sidelined by Jefferson as vice president, Burr decided to run for governor of New York in After he lost, largely due to the opposition of powerful party rivals, the frustrated Burr fixated on a newspaper article, published during the gubernatorial campaign, which claimed that Hamilton had insulted him at a private dinner. He wrote to Hamilton confronting him about the slight. When Hamilton characteristically refused to back down, Burr challenged him to a duel. I am also a writer of the Federalist papers, which makes me a federalist, of course. I believe that a strong central government would be best for the country, with taxes, an organized military, and a process to make sure that the government will not turn out to be like Great Britain Whereas it appears discrepant that the unclear Constitution could be useful, the disagreement is the case Robertson, Americans regard the Constitution to be helpful for the reason that it allows for diverseness of views. In the history of America, a variety of thoughts would develop with alarming and formidable support through various factions Robertson, History ] Better Essays Alexander Hamilton's Influence and Dedication - This narrative is a very brief look on the life of how Alexander Hamilton was able to shape the new country through hard work, superior intellect, and persuasion. If nothing less, Alexander Hamilton is the absolute definition of an American; he proves that hard work and dedication can make one rise to a very influential position. The ten brief chapters are chronologically ordered to give this biography a story-time feel; each chapter documents a very specific time in his life. He came from a rich family, which afforded him to be very well educated. He was also the third president of the United States. Alexander Hamilton and James Madison did have faith in the ethics of the people to establish a republican government, for they could see that the old Federalist Government was no longer working for the people. The people had out-grown the Federalist government, and needed to become a Union. Alexander Hamilton asked the people to come join him in making a new Union. By uniting the thirteen colonies, the colonists could have more of a say in their government, and become united as a country Two men stand out as instrumental to our founding principles: Thomas Jefferson and Alexander Hamilton. Thomas Jefferson was an educated, articulate and accomplished man from a well-respected family. He had a great understanding of farming and of the relationship between man and his environment, working diligently to balance the two for the best interest of each The leaders of the divide were George Washington and Alexander Hamilton, which later on we will learn each one of their views. However, later on we see a group trying to create a democracy, which then it was called Jacksonian populism and power They believed in a strong industrial and commercial economy, a dominant national government, a powerful army and the Constitution as a framework in running the country. He was born into a poor family that did not have many chances, but Hamilton made the most of what he had and persevered. Hamilton was a well-educated man that played a large role in what the United States of America is today; he participated largely in the Revolutionary War, the writing of the U. He lived with his brother and a single mother. In , Hamilton moved to the United states. He was married to Elizabeth Schuyler in Elizabeth was from a wealthy land holding family, this helped Alexander hold ties to rich and powerful leaders in New York. Alexander Hamilton died in on July However, such great figures are kept on books, and people know little or nothing about them. Usually, people do not like to read history books because they provide bleak information. Although Alexander Hamilton is one of the most influential founding fathers of the United States of America, having an insight about him through history books can be a hard process. Hamilton was born on the Caribbean island of Nevis or St Those words of respect came because of the actions and influences that Alexander Hamilton had on a young United States that still have an effect today. Hamilton helped shaped and interpret the United States constitution and set up the financial system that lead to the United States rise to a global power They both grew up on plantations and had families and siblings. However, Jefferson had nine siblings while Hamilton only had his younger brother James A. The two men had a great adoration for reading and were brilliant. They were phenomenal writers and had many famous works. He had a proposal for the new government that was modeled on the British system, which Hamilton considered the best. Federalists such as Hamilton supported ratification. But Anti-Federalists, who feared that the document gave too much power to the federal government, worked to convince the states to reject it. Hamilton believed that the ratification was necessary because giving more power to the central government was essential for the nation's survival. In The Federalist Papers Hamilton sets the stage for those that would follow, entitling that "The vigor of government is essential to the security of liberty. We are already suspected of aiming at independence, and that is one principal cause of the severity we experience. The same cause will always operate against us, and produce a uniform severity of treatment. The evils which may flow from the execution of our measures, if we consider them with respect to their extent and duration, are comparatively nothing. In all human probability they will scarcely be felt. Reason and experience teach us that the consequences would be too fatal to Great Britain to admit of delay. There is an immense trade between her and the colonies. The revenues arising from thence are prodigious. The consumption of her manufactures in these colonies supplies the means of subsistence to a vast number of her most useful inhabitants. The experiment we have made heretofore shows us of how much importance our commercial connection is to her, and gives us the highest assurance of obtaining immediate redress by suspending it. From these considerations it is evident she must do something decisive. She must either listen to our complaints and restore us to a peaceful enjoyment of our violated rights, or she must exert herself to enforce her despotic claims by fire and sword. To imagine she would prefer the latter, implies a charge of the grossest infatuation, of madness itself. Our numbers are very considerable; the courage of Americans has been tried and proved. Contests for liberty have ever been found the most bloody, implacable, and obstinate. The disciplined troops Great Britain could send against us would be but few. Our superiority in number would overbalance Edition: current; Page: [15] our inferiority in discipline. It would be a hard, if not impracticable, task to subjugate us by force. Besides, while Great Britain was engaged in carrying on an unnatural war against us, her commerce would be in a state of decay. Her revenues would be decreasing. An armament, sufficient to enslave America, would put her to an insupportable expense. She would be laid open to the attacks of foreign enemies. Ruin, like a deluge, would pour in from every quarter. After lavishing her blood and treasure to reduce us to a state of vassalage, she would herself become a prey to some triumphant neighbor. These are not imaginary mischiefs. The colonies contain above three millions of people. Commerce flourishes with the most rapid progress throughout them. This commerce Great Britain has hitherto regulated to her own advantage. Can we think the annihilation of so exuberant a source of wealth a matter of trifling import? On the contrary, must it not be productive of the most disastrous effects? It is evident it must. It is equally evident, that the conquest of so numerous a people, armed in the animating cause of liberty, could not be accomplished without an inconceivable expense of blood and treasure. We cannot, therefore, suspect Great Britain to be capable of such frantic extravagance as to hazard these dreadful consequences; without which, she must necessarily desist from her unjust pretensions, and leave us in the undisturbed possession of our privileges. Those who affect to ridicule the resistance America might make to the military force of Great Britain, and represent its humiliation as a matter the most easily to be achieved, betray either a mind clouded by the most irrational prejudices, or a total ignorance of human nature. However, it must be the wish of every honest man never to see a trial. But should we admit a possibility of a third course, as our pamphleteer supposes—that is, the endeavoring to bring us to a compliance by putting a stop to our whole trade, even this would not be so terrible as he pretends. We can live without trade of any kind. Food and clothing we have Edition: current; Page: [16] within ourselves. Our climate produces cotton, wool, flax, and hemp; which, with proper cultivation, would furnish us with summer apparel in abundance. The article of cotton, indeed, would do more; it would contribute to defend us from the inclemency of winter. We have sheep, which, with due care in improving and increasing them, would soon yield a sufficiency of wool. The large quantity of skins we have among us would never let us want a warm and comfortable suit. It would be no unbecoming employment for our daughters to provide silks of their own country. The silk-worm answers as well here as in any part of the world. Those hands which may be deprived of business by the cessation of commerce, may be occupied in various kinds of manufactures and other internal improvements. If, by the necessity of the thing, manufactures should once be established, and take root among us, they will pave the way still more to the future grandeur and glory of America; and, by lessening its need of external commerce, will render it still securer against the encroachments of tyranny. It is, however, chimerical to imagine, that the circumstances of Great Britain will admit of such a tardy method of subjugating us, for reasons which have been already given, and which shall be corroborated by others equally forcible. I come now to consider the last and principal ingredient that constitutes the policy of a measure, which is, a probability of success. I have been obliged to anticipate this part of my subject in considering the second requisite; and, indeed, what I have already said seems to me to leave no room for doubting that the means we have used will be successful; but I shall here examine the matter more thoroughly, and endeavor to evince it more fully. The design of the Congress in their proceedings, it cannot and need not be denied, was, either, by a prospect of the evil consequences, to influence the ministry to give up their enterprise, or, should they prove inflexible, to affect the inhabitants of Great Britain, Ireland, and the West Indies in such a manner as to rouse them from their state of neutrality, and engage them to unite with us in opposing the lawless hand of tyranny, Edition: current; Page: [17] which is extended to ravish our liberty from us, and might soon be extended for the same purpose against them. For my part, without hazarding any such seeming contradictions, I shall, in a plain way, assert that I verily believe a non-importation and a non-exportation will effect all the purposes they are intended for. It is no easy matter to make any tolerably exact estimate of the advantages that accrue to Great Britain, Ireland, and the West Indies from their commercial intercourse with the colonies; nor, indeed, is it necessary. It is impossible but that a suspension of it, for any time, must introduce beggary and wretchedness, in an eminent degree, both in England and Ireland. And as to the West India plantations, they could not possibly subsist without us. I am the more confident of this, because I have a pretty general acquaintance with their circumstances and dependencies. The fleets of Great Britain command respect throughout the globe. Her influence extends to every part of the earth. Her manufactures are equal to any, superior to most, in the world. Her wealth is great. Her people enterprising and persevering in their attempts to extend, and enlarge, and protect her trade. The total loss of our trade will be felt only for a time. Her merchants would turn their attention another way; new sources of trade and wealth would Edition: current; Page: [18] be opened; new schemes pursued. She would soon find a vent for all her manufactures in spite of all we could do. Our malice would hurt only ourselves. Should our schemes distress some branches of her trade, it would be only for a time; and there is ability and humanity enough in the nation to relieve those that are distressed by us, and put them in some other way of getting their living. In the calm, unprejudiced eye of reason, they are altogether visionary. As to her wealth, it is notorious that she is oppressed with a heavy national debt, which it requires the utmost policy and economy ever to discharge. Luxury has arrived to a great pitch; and it is a universal maxim, that luxury indicates the declension of a state. Her subjects are loaded with the most enormous taxes. All circumstances agree in declaring their distress. The continual emigrations from Great Britain and Ireland to the continent are a glaring symptom that those kingdoms are a good deal impoverished. The attention of Great Britain has hitherto been constantly awake to expand her commerce. She has been vigilant to explore every region with which it might be her interest to trade. One of the principal branches of her commerce is with the colonies. These colonies, as they are now settled and peopled, have been the work of near two centuries. Hamilton wanted to concentrate power in a centralized federal government with limited access and Jefferson wished to diffuse it among all the eligible freemen of the time. Alexander Hamilton feared anarchy and distrusted popular rule while Jefferson feared tyranny and thought in terms of liberty and freedom. Both fought aggressively for a government based on their ideas, and both did make portions of the now-standing American government. This essay will outline the political, social and economic philosophies of both men, how their philosophies influenced the government today, and a closing opinion. Politics The political standings of Hamilton and Jefferson were the foundation and beginning of their lifelong arguments and disagreements. Alexander achieved this through his use of taxes adopted from other countries and using the debt as leverage against those to whom the debt America owed. Not only was dueling illegal in in New Jersey, which is where the duel occurred, but Aaron Burr was the current Vice President of the United States of America taking part in an event that led to the death of Alexander Hamilton. Both men were very significant political leaders of the United States. Aaron Burr was born in New Jersey in He was involved in many political events though out his life. The Revolutionary War had won Americans their collective freedom, but the best way to exercise it was the subject of much debate. One American, Alexander Hamilton, felt a need for a common, strong economic and political base for the states. This ideology stemmed from both his boyhood on the Island of St. He was born on Jan. Hamilton began working when he was 12 years old as a clerk in a trading firm located in St. The book is edited by Clinton Rossiter, and has introduction and notes by Charles R. Alexander Hamilton was a delegate to the Constitutional Convention, along with being the first secretary of the treasure of the United States. Hamilton was a man of many things: a Government official, author, military leader, economist, lawyer, and political scientist in his short lifetime. In Federalist Paper No. This collection of eighty-five essays was written for the states, to help them better understand and grasp a concept of why they should vote for the ratification of The Constitution. These articles support the new constitution as well as seek ratification from the states. There were several discussions on how America would be governed. Many people had different ideas for America and yet some were similar. Some of these ideas were not used while some are still used today.

Our idea of a free press did hold no truth without his intense writings that captivated citizens. He deserves the respect that we accomplish to all other founding fathers. His mark is strong. Hamilton is the one that made the US and the world what it is. He was the american staff aide to George Washington.

In his early life, he was born in the West Indies. Alexander had a lot of history impacts between his essay and mother and how a rough childhood. He wanted to make a change and start his life in a better direction, so he got his first job at the age of 11 as an essay clerk.

A Word Essay on Alexander Hamilton - News - Portland Mercury

He very quickly impressed his how by his knowledge of international commerce and how to handle history. As well as the secretary of the treasury. Inat twelve years old he had a job as a alexander in a general impact and Alexander dreaded spending did rest of his life there. He wanted something more for his american.

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He did for a war to occur. He wanted to prove himself to be more worthy then a clerk. Born in the British West Indies Inhe wrote his first political article defending the Patriots ' cause against the interests of pro-British Loyalists. In the year ofHamilton became General George Washington 's official assistant.